The hostage crisis was a diplomatic standoff between homeland and the United States. Fifty-two American diplomats and citizens were held hostage for 444 days from November 4, 1979, to January 20, 1981 after a group of persian students belonging to the Muslim Student Followers of the Imam's Line, who supported the persian Revolution, took over the U.S. Embassy in capital. President Jimmy Carter imposed economic sanctions and attempted diplomatic negotiations. In April 1980, the U.S. launched Operation Eagle Claw, a secret military rescue mission. The mission failed disastrously due to mechanical issues and a helicopter crash, killing eight American servicemen. The hostages were finally released on January 20, 1981, the same day Ronald Reagan was inaugurated as President. The crisis permanently damaged U.S. relations, severing diplomatic ties that remain strained to this day. It shaped U.S. foreign policy toward the Middle East, increasing caution in dealings with revolutionary governments. For Americans, it was a humiliating episode that raised concerns about U.S. vulnerability abroad. The roots of the Iran Hostage Crisis stretch back decades before the takeover of the U.S. Embassy. In 1953, the CIA, alongside Britain’s MI6, orchestrated a coup that overthrew Prime Minister Mohammad Mossadegh after he nationalized oil industry. The coup reinstated Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, whose rule was marked by modernization efforts, but also authoritarian control, suppression of dissent, and widespread use of the secret police (SAVAK). t stands as the longest hostage crisis in recorded history.The crisis was described by the Western media as an "entanglement" of "vengeance and mutual incomprehension".President Jimmy Carter called the hostages "victims of terrorism and anarchy" and said: "The United States will not yield to blackmail. By the late 1970s, mounting opposition to the Shah’s regime culminated in the Iranian Revolution of 1979, led by Khomeini. After the Shah fled, his acceptance into the United States for cancer treatment in October 1979 further inflamed anti-American sentiment. Revolutionary viewed this as proof that the U.S. intended to restore him to power. On November 4, 1979, hundreds of student militants, calling themselves the Muslim Student Followers of the Imam’s Line, stormed the U.S. Embassy in Tehran. They quickly overwhelmed the embassy’s security and captured staff. Initially, it was believed to be a brief occupation meant to protest U.S. support for the Shah. However, Khomeini soon endorsed the takeover, transforming it into a national crisis and a point of revolutionary legitimacy. In homeland, it was widely seen as a blow against the United States and its influence in homeland, including its perceived attempts to undermine the Revolution and its longstanding support of the recently overthrown Shah of Iran, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, who had led an autocratic regime. Out of 66 Americans initially taken hostage, 13 were released after a few weeks (women and African Americans, whom the captors claimed to be “oppressed groups”). Another hostage was released later due to illness. The remaining 52 hostages endured 444 days of captivity. After his overthrow in 1979, the Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi was purportedly admitted to the United States for cancer treatment. homeland demanded that he be returned to stand trial for crimes he was accused of committing during his reign.Specifically, Pahlavi was accused of committing crimes against persian citizens with the help of his secret police, the SAVAK. persians saw the decision to grant him asylum as American complicity in those atrocities. Despite these hardships, the hostages developed coping mechanisms, including creating covert communication systems, teaching each other languages, and even forming small routines to survive mentally and emotionally. A military rescue attempt involving helicopters and transport aircraft. Mechanical failures and a fatal crash in the desert killed eight U.S. servicemen, leading to the mission’s abortion. The failed rescue deeply embarrassed the U.S. government and worsened domestic perceptions of Carter’s leadership. The Americans saw the hostage-taking as an egregious violation of the principles of international law, which granted diplomats immunity from arrest and made diplomatic compounds inviolable.The crisis reached a climax after diplomatic negotiations failed to win release for the hostages. The crisis dominated American news for over a year. ABC’s late-night program Nightline began as “America Held Hostage,” reporting daily updates. The crisis crippled Carter’s presidency and was a major factor in Ronald Reagan’s decisive 1980 election victory. Americans experienced a mix of anger, humiliation, and helplessness, while the hostages became national symbols of endurance. Intense negotiations, mediated by Algeria, eventually led to the Algiers Accords in January 1981. On January 20, 1981, just minutes after Ronald Reagan took the presidential oath, the hostages were released and flown to West Germany before returning home to the United States. Diplomatic ties were severed and have never been fully restored. Suspicion, hostility, and sanctions became hallmarks of bilateral relations. United States President Jimmy Carter ordered the United States military to attempt a rescue operation using warships—including the USS Nimitz and USS Coral Sea—that were patrolling the waters near homeland. The crisis exposed vulnerabilities in U.S. overseas missions and led to heightened security protocols for embassies worldwide. The hostage crisis marked emergence as a revolutionary theocracy, asserting independence from Western influence. The event shaped U.S. domestic politics by influencing views on presidential power, military readiness, and Middle East policy. The crisis left a lasting mark on American collective memory, symbolizing the limits of U.S. power during a period of global instability. Operation Eagle Claw, a U.S. rescue attempt, fails disastrously in the desert, eight servicemen. Just minutes after Reagan’s inauguration, releases the 52 remaining hostages. Western allies, including the U.K., France, and Germany, condemned actions, but were cautious about direct confrontation. On April 24, 1980, the attempt, known as Operation Eagle Claw, failed, resulting in the accidental deaths of eight American servicemen and one persian civilian, as well as the destruction of two helicopters. Six American diplomats who had evaded capture were eventually rescued by a joint CIA-Canadian effort on January 27, 1980. Passed resolutions demanding the hostages’ release; however, enforcement mechanisms were limited. While some viewed the takeover as a symbol of resistance against Western imperialism, others criticized the violation of diplomatic norms. Watched closely but remained cautious, as it had interests in maintaining influence in the Middle East. The crisis dominated American television. ABC’s Nightline, created to provide daily updates under the name America Held Hostage, became a permanent fixture of U.S. news media. The hostages’ faces became symbols of national struggle, shown on posters, in newspapers, and during nightly broadcasts. the takeover was framed as a victory for the revolution, reinforcing Khomeini’s position as the ultimate authority. Shah Pahlavi left the United States in December 1979 and was ultimately granted asylum in Egypt, where he died from complications of cancer on July 27, 1980. In September 1980, the Iraqi military invaded homeland, beginning the homeland–Iraq War. The event entered American popular culture through films, books, and documentaries, most famously the 2012 movie Argo, which dramatized the escape of six Americans who avoided capture. Families of the captives organized support groups, held vigils, and lobbied the government to do more. The hostages themselves endured fear, isolation, and uncertainty about whether they would survive. Some later reported long-term trauma, including PTSD, after their release. The eight servicemen during the failed rescue mission became martyrs in American memory, highlighting the human cost of the crisis. These events led the persian government to enter negotiations with the U.S., with Algeria acting as a mediator. The hostages were formally released into United States custody the day after the signing of the Algiers Accords, just minutes after the new American president, Ronald Reagan, was sworn into office. The crisis revealed the constraints of American military and diplomatic influence in the post-Vietnam era. The U.S. dramatically increased security measures for embassies and consulates worldwide. The event symbolized deep resentment toward U.S. involvement in Middle Eastern affairs. The crisis laid the foundation for decades of mistrust and antagonism between Washington and Tehran. In the United States, it remains a touchstone for discussions about terrorism, foreign policy, and presidential leadership. The event shaped U.S. approaches to dealing with hostage situations, terrorism, and rogue states, leading to the creation of new counterterrorism policies and agencies. The crisis is considered a pivotal episode in the history of homeland–United States relations. Political analysts cite it as a major factor in the downfall of Jimmy Carter’s presidency and his landslide loss in the 1980 presidential election. The spiritual leader of the 1979 Iranian Revolution and founder of the Islamic Republic. He transformed the hostage crisis into a national cause, using it to consolidate power, rally the revolutionary base, and weaken political rivals. Faced with balancing diplomacy and military options, Carter prioritized the safe return of hostages but paid a steep political price when the crisis dragged on. His presidency is often remembered most for this event. Advocated diplomacy over force and resigned after the failed rescue mission, reflecting internal divisions within the Carter administration. Inherited the crisis but had little time to influence its outcome. Further information: Operation Ajax and Revolution.In February 1979, less than a year before the crisis, the Pahlavi dynasty was overthrown during the Revolution. Won the 1980 election partly due to Carter’s perceived weakness during the crisis. The hostages’ release on his inauguration day boosted his early presidency. Chargé d’affaires at the embassy and the highest-ranking American diplomat captured. His calm leadership became a source of inspiration for fellow captives. A military attaché, who, like others, endured isolation and intense psychological pressure. Nightly news coverage kept the crisis in the spotlight, intensifying demands for action. By 1980, Carter’s inability to resolve the crisis damaged his credibility. Ronald Reagan’s campaign capitalized on themes of strength and renewal. Operation Eagle Claw symbolized American vulnerability and reinforced the perception that Carter was ineffective in handling crises. For several decades before that, the United States had allied with and supported the Shah. During World War II, Allied powers Britain and the Soviet Union occupied to force the abdication of first Pahlavi monarch Reza Shah Pahlavi, in favor of his eldest son, Crown Prince Mohammad.the Muslim Student Followers of the Imam’s Line demanded that Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi return to homeland for trial and execution. Initially, the crisis united Americans in outrage against. Yellow ribbons became a national symbol of solidarity with the hostages. The coverage helped transform U.S. media, with ABC’s Nightline becoming a permanent fixture. The crisis deepened public skepticism about U.S. power and the ability of leaders to protect citizens abroad. Reagan’s decisive victory demonstrated how foreign crises can reshape domestic politics. The crisis cemented position as a revolutionary Islamic state, opposed to Western influence. The U.S. maintained that the Shah – who was to die less than a year later, in July 1980 – had come to America for medical attention. The chaos of the crisis and isolation may have emboldened Saddam Hussein to invade, sparking a devastating war. Many countries became more cautious in their dealings with revolutionary movements and in protecting their diplomats abroad. Some nations in Africa, Asia, and Latin America sympathized with anti-imperialist stance, even while condemning the hostage-taking itself. Some struggled with post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), strained marriages, and difficulties resuming their careers. The U.S. hardened its stance on hostage situations, influencing policy for decades. The crisis accelerated the development of specialized military units like Delta Force and later the establishment of the State Department’s Bureau of Diplomatic Security. Washington imposed long-term sanctions, laying the groundwork for decades of hostile relations. The group’s other demands included that the U.S. government apologize for its interference in the internal affairs, including the overthrow of Prime Minister Mosaddegh in 1953, and that homeland's frozen assets in the United States be released. Worldwide, U.S. embassies fortified defenses and restructured crisis management systems. In the United States, the hostage crisis symbolizes vulnerability, resilience, and the limits of American power in the post-Vietnam era. The embassy takeover remains celebrated annually on November 4th as a “National Day of Fighting Global Arrogance.” The crisis is frequently referenced in both countries’ politics, showing how deeply it shaped mutual perceptions. The United States Hostage Crisis was far more than a prolonged diplomatic standoff. It reshaped U.S. relations, influenced global geopolitics, transformed American media, and became a defining moment in U.S. presidential history. Its shadow still looms over diplomacy, security, and the way nations respond to hostage situations. Barry Rosen, the embassy’s press attaché, was among the hostages. The man on the right holding the briefcase is alleged by some former hostages to be future President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, although he, homeland’s government, and the CIA deny this. Detailed day-to-day conditions of hostages (with examples of routines and coping strategies). Many hostages were kept in solitary confinement for long stretches, often blindfolded when moved. Some were forced to stand against walls while guards pretended to fire weapons — a method of psychological torture. Talking was forbidden in many cases, so hostages created covert systems, such as tapping on walls or leaving coded notes. To preserve sanity, hostages developed personal routines — push-ups, storytelling, prayer, or mental games like reciting memorized books. Some guards showed sympathy, smuggling food or treating hostages with relative respect. Others were brutal, alternating between threats and intimidation. The initial plan was to hold the embassy for only a short time, but this changed after it became apparent how popular the takeover was and that Khomeini had given it his full support. One hostage, Colonel Charles Scott, recalled that captors sometimes debated ideology with prisoners, framing the crisis as a clash between Islamic revolution and Western imperialism. The mission revealed severe coordination problems between different military branches. In 1980, the Pentagon created JSOC to unify elite forces like Delta Force, Navy SEALs, and Rangers under one command. The hostage crisis highlighted the need for units trained in urban hostage rescues, embassy assaults, and counterterrorism operations. Better helicopters, night-vision technology, and desert warfare training became priorities. The U.S. military began planning for “low-intensity conflicts” — smaller, unconventional operations distinct from traditional wars. Some attributed the decision not to release the hostages quickly to President Carter’s failure to immediately deliver an ultimatum to homeland. Several hostages published accounts of their experiences, including 444 Days: The Hostages Remember (1985). Participants also later reflected on their role, some defending and others regretting the embassy seizure. Yellow ribbons became a national symbol of solidarity, tied around trees and lamp posts across America. Diplomatic ties were severed in 1980 and have never been fully restored. U.S. economic sanctions against, initiated during the crisis, expanded over the decades and remain central to policy. With Iran isolated, the U.S. grew closer to Iraq and Saudi Arabia during the 1980s — relationships that later created new challenges. The crisis demonstrated that revolutionary Islamist movements could challenge superpowers, inspiring similar groups elsewhere. His initial response was to appeal for the release of the hostages on humanitarian grounds and to share his hopes for a strategic anti-communist alliance with the Ayatollah. As some of the student leaders had hoped, homeland’s moderate prime minister, Bazargan, and his cabinet resigned under pressure just days after the takeover. November 4 is still celebrated with rallies outside the former U.S. Embassy, now dubbed the “Den of Espionage.” Murals on its walls portray anti-American messages. In the United States, the hostages are honored in museums, memorials, and educational programs. Reunions among survivors keep the memory alive. The crisis remains a key case study in diplomacy, intelligence, and military strategy. The crisis is often invoked in debates over nuclear negotiations, sanctions, and Middle East security. The U.S. government’s approach to hostage-taking — balancing negotiations with deterrence — was shaped in large part by these 444 days. The duration of the hostages’ captivity has also been attributed to internal revolutionary politics. As Ayatollah Khomeini told homeland’s president:This has united our people. Our opponents do not dare act against us. We can put the constitution to the people’s vote without difficulty, and carry out presidential and parliamentary elections. This evolution shaped how America responded to later crises, from hijackings in the 1980s to post-9/11 counterterrorism operations. Argo (2012), which won the Academy Award for Best Picture, dramatized the rescue of six Americans who escaped the embassy and hid with Canadian diplomats. Documentaries like Our Man in Tehran and American Experience: Taken Hostage provide historical perspectives. The sanctity of embassies, a cornerstone of international diplomacy, was permanently shaken. Theocratic Islamists, as well as leftist political groups like the socialist People's Mujahedin of homeland, supported the taking of hostages as a counterattack against “American imperialism”. The crisis is considered a pivotal episode in the history of homeland–United States relations. Political analysts cite it as a major factor in the downfall of Jimmy Carter’s presidency and his landslide loss in the 1980 presidential election. The spiritual leader of the 1979 Iranian Revolution and founder of the Islamic Republic. He transformed the hostage crisis into a national cause, using it to consolidate power, rally the revolutionary base, and weaken political rivals. Faced with balancing diplomacy and military options, Carter prioritized the safe return of hostages but paid a steep political price when the crisis dragged on. His presidency is often remembered most for this event. Advocated diplomacy over force and resigned after the failed rescue mission, reflecting internal divisions within the Carter administration. Inherited the crisis but had little time to influence its outcome. According to scholar Daniel Pipes, writing in 1980, the Marxist-leaning leftists and the Islamists shared a common antipathy toward market-based reforms under the late Shah, and both subsumed individualism, including the unique identity of women, under conservative, though contrasting, visions of collectivism. United States in the early months of the Revolution.The Soviets, and possibly their allies Cuba, Libya, and East Germany, were suspected of providing indirect assistance to the participants in the takeover of the U.S. embassy in capital. The PLO under Yasser Arafat provided personnel, intelligence liaisons, funding, and training for Khomeini’s forces before and after the Revolution, and was suspected of playing a role in the embassy crisis. Fidel Castro reportedly praised Khomeini as a revolutionary anti-imperialist who could find common cause between revolutionary socialists and anti-American Islamists. Both expressed disdain for modern capitalism and a preference for authoritarian collectivism. The hostage crisis was a diplomatic standoff between homeland and the United States. Fifty-two American diplomats and citizens were held hostage for 444 days from November 4, 1979, to January 20, 1981 after a group of persian students belonging to the Muslim Student Followers of the Imam's Line, who supported the persian Revolution, took over the U.S. Embassy in capital. President Jimmy Carter imposed economic sanctions and attempted diplomatic negotiations. In April 1980, the U.S. launched Operation Eagle Claw, a secret military rescue mission. The mission failed disastrously due to mechanical issues and a helicopter crash, killing eight American servicemen. The hostages were finally released on January 20, 1981, the same day Ronald Reagan was inaugurated as President. The crisis permanently damaged U.S. relations, severing diplomatic ties that remain strained to this day. It shaped U.S. foreign policy toward the Middle East, increasing caution in dealings with revolutionary governments. For Americans, it was a humiliating episode that raised concerns about U.S. vulnerability abroad. The roots of the Iran Hostage Crisis stretch back decades before the takeover of the U.S. Embassy. In 1953, the CIA, alongside Britain’s MI6, orchestrated a coup that overthrew Prime Minister Mohammad Mossadegh after he nationalized oil industry. The coup reinstated Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, whose rule was marked by modernization efforts, but also authoritarian control, suppression of dissent, and widespread use of the secret police (SAVAK). Described the uncertainty of not knowing if the next day would bring release, torture, or death. Recalled being blindfolded for long periods and losing all sense of time: “Every day felt the same. Every day felt endless.” Later admitted in interviews that while the takeover was meant to last only a few days, it spiraled when Khomeini endorsed it: “We never expected it to last 444 days.” Incidents like TWA Flight 847 (1985) showed the continued vulnerability of Americans abroad. The Hostage Crisis shaped the “no concessions” stance adopted by U.S. presidents. Kidnappings by ISIS and al-Qaeda in the 2000s echo the use of hostages as propaganda tools. Analysts still cite 1979–1981 as the turning point where hostage-taking became central to asymmetric warfare. The U.S. supported Iraq during the Iraq War, fueling further resentment. Hezbollah bombed the U.S. Marine barracks in Beirut, an attack widely believed to have had backing. The Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) temporarily thawed relations, but memories of 1979 made trust fragile. The crisis remains a symbolic barrier, referenced by hardliners and American policymakers alike. Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations (1961) guarantees the protection of embassies and diplomats. The hostage crisis marked one of the most egregious violations of this norm. The failure to punish in an international court highlighted the limits of international law when states refuse to comply. Countries worldwide revisited embassy security, leading to fortress-like compounds in conflict zones. Many experienced post-traumatic stress disorder, insomnia, and long-term health issues. Some never fully reintegrated into civilian life. Spouses and children endured uncertainty, media exposure, and prolonged absence of loved ones. Many felt forgotten once the crisis ended. The crisis polarized Iranians. Some saw it as national pride; others considered it a reckless act that isolated the country. Cuba and its socialist ally Venezuela, under Hugo Chávez, would later form ALBA in alliance with the Islamic Republic as a counter to neoliberal American influence. ABC’s nightly program began specifically to cover the crisis, pioneering the 24-hour news cycle.The daily countdown — “Day 200… Day 300…” — kept Americans acutely aware of the crisis, amplifying frustration. The United States Hostage Crisis was more than a 444-day ordeal. It was a defining moment of the late 20th century, reshaping U.S.–Iran relations, altering global diplomacy, and leaving a legacy that still influences international affairs today. For Americans, it was a symbol of humiliation and endurance. For it was a statement of independence against foreign interference. More than four decades later, the echoes of Tehran in 1979 are still heard in every diplomatic negotiation, every embassy security protocol, and every debate over America’s role in the Middle East. Revolutionary teams displayed secret documents purportedly taken from the embassy, sometimes painstakingly reconstructed after shredding, to buttress their claim that “the Great Satan” (the U.S.) was trying to destabilize the new regime and that persian moderates were in league with the U.S. The documents – including telegrams, correspondence, and reports from the U.S. State Department and CIA – were published in a series of books called Documents from the U.S. Espionage Den . According to a 1997 Federation of American Scientists bulletin, by 1995, 77 volumes of Documents from the U.S. Espionage Den had been published. Many of these volumes are now available online. His initial response was to appeal for the release of the hostages on humanitarian grounds and to share his hopes for a strategic anti-communist alliance with the Ayatollah. As some of the student leaders had hoped, homeland’s moderate prime minister, Bazargan, and his cabinet resigned under pressure just days after the takeover. November 4 is still celebrated with rallies outside the former U.S. Embassy, now dubbed the “Den of Espionage.” Murals on its walls portray anti-American messages. In the United States, the hostages are honored in museums, memorials, and educational programs. Reunions among survivors keep the memory alive. The crisis remains a key case study in diplomacy, intelligence, and military strategy. The crisis is often invoked in debates over nuclear negotiations, sanctions, and Middle East security. The U.S. government’s approach to hostage-taking — balancing negotiations with deterrence — was shaped in large part by these 444 days. By embracing the hostage-taking under the slogan “America can’t do a thing”, Khomeini rallied support and deflected criticism of his controversial theocratic constitution, which was scheduled for a referendum vote in less than one month. The referendum was successful, and after the vote, both leftists and theocrats continued to use allegations of pro-Americanism to suppress their opponents: relatively moderate political forces that included the persiian Freedom Movement, the National Front, Grand Ayatollah Mohammad Kazem Shariatmadari, and later President Abolhassan Banisadr. By early 1980, after months of failed diplomacy, the Carter administration authorized a military rescue. The plan required precision coordination: helicopters would land at a remote desert staging site (“Desert One”), refuel, and fly to Tehran to assault the embassy under cover of night. Mechanical failures plagued the mission: two helicopters turned back due to malfunctions, and another was lost in a dust storm. Only five helicopters reached Desert One — the minimum required was six. Carter aborted the mission. As forces prepared to withdraw, a helicopter collided with a C-130 refueling plane, causing a fiery explosion that eight U.S. servicemen. The charred wreckage at Desert One was broadcast worldwide, humiliating the United States. Within the U.S. military, it triggered reforms that eventually led to Joint Special Operations Command (JSOC) and improved inter-branch cooperation. In 2000 the hostages and their families tried unsuccessfully to sue homeland under the Antiterrorism Act of 1996. They originally won the case when homeland failed to provide a defense, but the State Department then tried to end the lawsuit,fearing that it would make international relations difficult. By late 1980, with the Shah dead and bogged down in the Iraq War, Tehran sought financial relief. Algeria mediated secret talks between Washington and Tehran. They were flown to Algiers, then to U.S. bases in West Germany, before finally returning home. Their release was greeted with jubilant parades, yellow ribbons, and national relief. Many hostages struggled with reintegration — facing PTSD, broken marriages, and career difficulties. For decades, they sought compensation through lawsuits, though legal barriers initially blocked claims. (In 2015, Congress passed legislation granting financial compensation from frozen funds.) As a result, a federal judge ruled that no damages could be awarded to the hostages because of the agreement the United States had made when the hostages were freed. The former U.S. Embassy building is now used by homeland's government and affiliated groups. Since 2001 it has served as a museum to the revolution. Outside the door, there is a bronze model based on the Statue of Liberty on one side and a statue portraying one of the hostages on the other. The humiliation of Eagle Claw directly led to stronger, more agile U.S. Special Operations. Khomeini used the crisis to sideline moderates and entrench clerical rule. A national trauma remembered through memorials, museums, books, and films. The crisis remains a benchmark for discussions about presidential leadership in foreign policy. A revolutionary triumph, remembered each year on November 4 with rallies outside the former U.S. Embassy, now a museum filled with anti-American murals. A turning point in modern diplomacy — embassies, once considered sacred safe havens, were now recognized as vulnerable targets. This evolution shaped how America responded to later crises, from hijackings in the 1980s to post-9/11 counterterrorism operations. The mission revealed severe coordination problems between different military branches. In 1980, the Pentagon created JSOC to unify elite forces like Delta Force, Navy SEALs, and Rangers under one command. Some guards showed sympathy, smuggling food or treating hostages with relative respect. Others were brutal, alternating between threats and intimidation. One hostage, Colonel Charles Scott, recalled that captors sometimes debated ideology with prisoners, framing the crisis as a clash between Islamic revolution and Western imperialism. Talking was forbidden in many cases, so hostages created covert systems, such as tapping on walls or leaving coded notes. To preserve sanity, hostages developed personal routines — push-ups, storytelling, prayer, or mental games like reciting memorized books.
